AIFG Blogs

Should the U.S. Restrict Immigration?

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Recent debates about Arizona’s new immigration law have taken as self-evident that immigration restrictions are good policy, with the only question being which level of government should enforce the law, and how. Yet the case for immigration restrictions is far from convincing.

Advocates of these restrictions rely on four possible arguments. First, that immigration dilutes existing languages, religions, family values, cultural norms, and so on. Second, that immigrants flock to countries with generous social welfare programs, leading to urban slums and inundated social networks. Third, that immigration can harm the sending country if the departing immigrants are high-skilled labor. Fourth, that immigration lowers the income of native, low-skill workers.

All of these arguments are wrong, overstated, or misguided. Immigration may change cultural values or norms, but nothing suggests this is a negative.

GOP the Loser in Primary Fight over Immigration

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Over at National Review Online, I ask how the Ronald Reagan of 1980 would have fared in today’s Iowa caucuses given his views on how to tackle illegal immigration (“GOP Candidates Betray the Spirit of Reagan on Immigration”). My conclusion, based on the current mood of many Republicans, is that Reagan would have been the target of a barrage of attack ads:

In April 1980, when Ronald Reagan was competing in the presidential primaries, he rejected the building of a wall between the United States and Mexico: “Rather than talking about putting up a fence, why don’t we work out some recognition of our mutual problems? Make it possible for them to come here legally with a work permit — and then while they’re working and earning here, they pay taxes here. And when they want to go back, they can go back. And open the border both ways by understanding their problems.”

If a Republican presidential candidate said such a thing today, he or she would suffer withering criticism.

The “Problem” of Immigration

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By Arkvalwebworks

Before I was introduced to voluntaryism I believed that illegal immigration was a huge problem for the people of the United States. However, I now understand that all of the alleged problems of illegal immigration disappear when we take government out of the equation.
Finally, what about undocumented laborers stealing our jobs? First, we need to understand that labor costs (and the cost of living) are artificially high and the wages of illegal immigrants are artificially low due in both cases to government policy. The disparity becomes slimmer or even nonexistent when government goes away. In a truly free market economy it is easy to see that immigrants bring useful skills and productivity to the economy and contribute to the prosperity of the whole.

Immigration Politics: More than jobs

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By John Tirman

Recent studies, in fact, suggest that immigrants -- including "out of status" workers -- actually increase jobs for native workers as a result of reducing "offshoring" (sending jobs overseas) and making firms more efficient.
 
Some economic activity is simply forfeited by the loss of illegal workers. Consider the case of Alabama. Like Arizona and a number of municipalities and states passing laws empowering police, schools, and other state agencies to demand proof of legal status, Alabama enacted one of the most far-reaching laws to dissuade illegals from coming to or remaining in the state. This is what Mitt Romney recently called "self-deporting." And, in a sense, it works, because the small fraction of the Alabama workforce -- one half of one percent -- that was comprised of illegal immigrants up and left.

Well, it turns out that the agricultural sector in Alabama is suffering mightily as a result. Reportedly, crops are rotting in the fields and attempts to hire native workers have failed. The tens of thousands who fled not only provide labor that is otherwise hard to find, but they spend their paychecks at the local grocery, pay rent and utilities, and so on -- the "multiplier effect" that creates economic growth

To read more, click here

Difference engine: Let the games begin

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By N.V.

Full marks to Apple for devising ways to improve how science, mathematics and other topics are taught in primary and secondary schools across America. The company’s “Reinventing Textbooks” event last week showed how effectively Apple’s popular iPad tablet computer can replace the stack of tedious, and invariably outdated, textbooks that school children have to lug around these days (see “A textbook manoeuvre”, January 19th 2012). 

Apple is providing a free Macintosh application, dubbed iBooks Author, which allows publishers, teachers and writers to produce interactive textbooks with video, audio and even rotating 3D graphics that spring to life with the touch of a finger. By and large, interactive multimedia offer more engaging explanations that students more readily grasp and remember. To play such books on an iPad, a free application called iBooks 2 must first be downloaded from the company’s App Store. Interactive textbooks can then be purchased from iTunes, Apple's online store, for $15 apiece or less. That is a seventh of the price of the average textbook used in schools today.

No question that interactive textbooks deliver results. A pilot study carried out for Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, a textbook publisher based in Boston, compared the performance of two groups of children over the course of a year at the Amelia Earhart Middle School in Riverside, California. A control group used the traditional Holt McDougal Algebra 1 textbook, while an experimental group used iPads with an interactive version of the same coursework. At the end of the year, 78% of pupils using the interactive text scored “proficient” or “advanced” on the California algebra test, compared with only 59% scoring likewise with the standard textbook

The Administration Is Avoiding the Tough College Course

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College prices truly are ridiculous. But someone needs to tell President Obama that the root problem isn’t the colleges, which he is expected to announce today will be the targets of proposed sanctions should they raise prices too fast. No, the problem, Mr. President, is a federal government that wants to play Santa Claus by giving everybody, no matter how poorly qualified or unmotivated, money for college.

As I itemized in How Much Ivory Does This Tower Need? What We Spend on, and Get from, Higher Education, total aid in the form of federal grants and loans (I didn’t even get into tax credits and deductions) ballooned from inflation-adjusted $29.6 billion in 1985 to $139.7 billion in 2010. That is mammoth, and it probably helped not just colleges to enrich themselves, but enrollment to expand from 8.9 million full-time equivalent students in 1985 to 15.5 million in 2010.

But that latter part is good, right? Doesn’t that giant enrollment increase mean we’ve been “educating ourselves to a better economy,” to steal a favorite Obama administration catch phrase?

It might, if all those people were attaining important skills and graduating. But they haven’t been.

What would improve inner-city schools? - The perspective of an inner-city teacher

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Posted by Francis Gilbert
 
What would improve inner-city schools? Francis Gilbert - teacher and author of the bestselling I'm a Teacher, Get Me Out of Here - makes five proposals that he believes would make a difference.
I fear the power of the state. Having spent over ten years working in public sector education, I have become increasingly disillusioned with the way the government interferes with education and constantly sets the agenda. My criticisms of the state are this:
it is not flexible; 
it is inefficient; 
and its National Curriculum has been a national disaster.
My experience is far from unique. Teachers in the state sector have to deliver a curriculum that is often inappropriate to the children they teach. They have to deal with ill-disciplined pupils. They have to negotiate with incompetent, meddling bureaucrats and teachers. Perhaps the problem with the state system is not lack of money, but the inefficient deployment of resources: it is not unknown to have three professionals in a disruptive classroom with none of them contribute to the learning of the pupils. 
As a consequence of my encounter with the state education system, I believe that there are five policy changes that might begin to solve our country's educational problems.
 
1. Take the education system out of state control;
2. Allow schools to set their own admissions policies;
3. Disband the National Curriculum;
4. Introduce a standardized reliable series of external tests; and 
5. Offer improved child care facilities to the parents of very young children.

1. Take the education system out of state control 
If parents were given a voucher that was worth the whole value of their child's education for a year they could then spend it where they pleased.

Markets don't fail

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by Jan Boucek

Led by the UK’s own prime minister, markets are under assault for causing all our current economic woes. Blaming “market failure”, David Cameron is trying to outbid Nick Clegg and Ed Miliband for policies to reform the market system.

But markets don’t “fail.” They respond rationally, quickly and often brutally to conditions as they find them. If they see a shortage of supply or an excess of demand, they’ll drive prices higher. Conversely, excess supply or falling demand drives prices lower. If you’re looking for villains, examine why supply is constricted or inflated or why demand is stifled or encouraged. But don’t blame the markets for responding accordingly.

For example, the onset of the financial crisis three or four years ago was largely due in the US and the UK to excessive demand for mortgages from people who couldn’t afford them. In the US, this was driven by government mandates to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to do just that – pump up demand for housing. In the UK, tight restrictions on construction limited supply to a market that quite rationally came to believe home ownership was a sound substitute for more productive investment.

In both cases, the bankers’ cost of funding was distorted by deliberately low official interest-rate policies, the implicit knowledge they wouldn’t be allowed to fail and lax competition enforcement that led to the likes of Royal Bank of Scotland swallowing up competitors. The  logical response by the markets was to divert money to housing, just as the politicians wanted. As soon as this folly became apparent, the banks bailed out as did the humble folk queued outside branches of Northern Rock, much to the dismay of policymakers.

Ireland and the law of unintended domino effects

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by JP Floru
 
Ireland bailed out its banks to stop the much vaunted but never explained domino effect of banks going down.  As a result its debt went up, and its AAA credit rating went down.  Most investment funds are required to be established in AAA countries. So, it is said, Ireland’s financial industry is increasingly moving abroad to places like Luxembourg.

How’s that for a domino effect?

When individuals make a mistake, it may have a domino effect.  But so do the state's mistakes.  The only difference is that when the state creates a domino effect it will be of far greater magnitude than an individual's.

Minimum Wage Myths

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Here we go again…beginning January 1, 2012, eight states raised their minimum wage.  The way news articles have hyped this, one would think that somehow raising the wage another 30 cents is going to catapult the bottom 99 percent into the top 1 percent.  According to the Huffington Post “the new rates will translate into hundreds of additional dollars annually for many people who are working yet remain in poverty.”  In another article, the New York Times refers to a 1994 “landmark” study on minimum wages by David Card and Alan Krueger showing the increasing the minimum wage did not reduce employment in the fast food industry.  By the way, this study was highly controversial and discredited by many economists due to its methodology.  Since then, some studies, such as one by Neumark and Wascher and one by Burkhauser, Couch and Wittenberg,  have found an adverse effect of the minimum wage on lower-skilled workers, young adults and teenagers, particularly African-Americans.

Proponents of a minimum wage or a “living wage,” (as is being proposed in New York City and is defined as at least $10 an hour plus benefits) argue that a wage floor is necessary to lift people out of poverty, especially those earners who support families.  But let’s look at the characteristics of a minimum wage worker.

The Voice of Job Creators

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There is a crisis in this country and it is one that Washington seems ill-equipped to handle. It is a crisis of certainty and confidence. Well, this isn’t news to most Americans, but it certainly does seem like Washington hasn’t heard.

During these difficult economic times there have been many voices, clamoring for attention, shouting out ideas that they believe will jumpstart the economy. What’s been particularly concerning is that the voice of the small business owner, the entrepreneur or even the job creator has not been heard. The only voices at the table seem to be big businesses from Wall Street, or professors from ivory towers who have never created a single job.

The reality is that the small business is the engine of the American economy. Small businesses have created more than 60 percent of all new jobs in the past 15 years. Therefore, it stands to reason that any real solution to the jobs crisis in this country will need to empower small businesses to do what they do best. In fact, the vast majority of Americans believe that for jobs – the most important problem facing the nation – small business owners and local business leaders are best equipped to get the economy moving again, according to a recent Gallup poll.

This doesn’t mean that government has no role – it just means that government cannot engineer an economic recovery from Washington. What it can do is increase incentives for business leaders to invest in human capital, or encourage entrepreneurs by giving them certainty about what the tax rates will be moving forward, or stop the steady flow of burdensome regulations from weighing down small businesses on Main Street.

In short, it seems Washington needs to spend less time looking to score political points against the opposing party, and more time listening to the job creators who are struggling to stay afloat economically. Giving a voice to the entrepreneurs and small business owners is precisely what the American Institute for Growth is all about. We exist to communicate, educate and advocate for the free enterprise system – which has made America into the most prosperous country in the history of the world.

At JCA, we will use modern technology, creativity, and the relationships we have built throughout our careers to connect like-minded Americans together and make their voices heard, so that our policymakers might draw from the same well of optimism. AIFG knows the 21st century can continue to be an American one—but only if business and government get back to complementing each other.

On Keystone, Congress Steps Up

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Whether he likes it or not, President Obama’s logic-defying but unsurprising decision to deny TransCanada the permit to construct a 1,700-mile long pipeline to deliver up to 830,000 barrels of oil per day from Alberta, Canada, to Gulf Coast refineries put the ball in Congress’s court—and some Members are seizing that opportunity.

On January 24, Representative Ted Poe (R–TX) and 11 co-sponsors, including Representative Dan Boren (D–OK) introduced the Keystone For a Secure Tomorrow Act (K-FAST) that would approve TransCanada’s permit submitted to the Department of State (DOS) on September 19, 2008. Instead of ignoring the three years of environmental review DOS conducted—like President Obama did—this legislation would accept the finding that the project poses no significant environmental risk and would bring much-needed jobs, economic growth, and energy to our country.

Poe’s bill would accept DOS’s environmental impact statement as sufficient to satisfy the requirements of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 and section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act. No further environmental review would be necessary, nor should it. For three years with multiple comment periods, DOS studied and addressed risks to soil, wetlands, water resources, vegetation, fish, wildlife, and endangered species. It concluded that construction of the pipeline would pose minimal environmental risk. Keystone XL also met 57 specific pipeline safety standard requirements created by DOS and the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration (PHMSA). Furthermore, the pipeline would be equipped with 16,000 sensors connected to a satellite that would monitor pressure.

Solyndra: A Political-Energy Company

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Posted by David Boaz
 
Good reporting shouldn’t go unnoticed just because it appeared during the week after Christmas, so let me draw your attention to a comprehensive article on the front page of the December 26 Washington Post by Joe Stephens and Carol Leonnig:

Meant to create jobs and cut reliance on foreign oil, Obama’s green-technology program was infused with politics at every level, The Washington Post found in an analysis of thousands of memos, company records and internal e-mails. Political considerations were raised repeatedly by company investors, Energy Department bureaucrats and White House officials….

The documents reviewed by The Post . . . show that as Solyndra tottered, officials discussed the political fallout from its troubles, the “optics” in Washington and the impact that the company’s failure could have on the president’s prospects for a second term. Rarely, if ever, was there discussion of the impact that Solyndra’s collapse would have on laid-off workers or on the development of clean-energy technology.

Did you know that when the president visits a factory, his aides tell the workers what to wear? Keep digging in the documents:

Like most presidential appearances, Obama’s May 2010 stop at Solyndra’s headquarters was closely managed political theater.

Obama’s handlers had lengthy e-mail discussions about how solar panels should be displayed (from a robotic arm, it was decided). They cautioned the company’s chief executive against wearing a suit (he opted for an open-neck shirt and black slacks) and asked another executive to wear a hard hat and white smock. They instructed blue-collar employees to wear everyday work clothes, to preserve what they called “the construction-worker feel.”

This story has all the hallmarks of government decision making: officials spending other people’s money with little incentive to spend it prudently, political pressure to make decisions without proper vetting, the substitution of political judgment for the judgments of millions of investors, the enthusiastic embrace of fads like “green energy,” political officials ignoring warnings from civil servants, crony capitalism, close connections between politicians and the companies that benefit from government allocation of capital, the appearance—at least—of favors for political supporters, and the kind of promiscuous spending that has delivered us $15 trillion in national debt. It may end up being a case study in political economy. And if you want government to guide the economy, to pick winners, to override market investments, then this is what you want.

More on Solyndra here and here.

Debt Limit Increases to Nearly $16.4 Trillion

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At the close of business (on January 27), the federal government’s debt limit will increase by another $1.2 trillion, the final installment in a series of hikes that started last summer.

This last increase, from $15.194 trillion to $16.394 trillion, was essentially granted in the Budget Control Act (BCA) of 2011, passed August 2 at the culmination of the debt limit debate. Last week, the House rejected the debt limit increase in a resolution of disapproval, but the Senate blocked that legislation. The BCA states that unless both legislative bodies agree to reject the scheduled increase and no Presidential veto follows, then the increase will go into effect.

So this was expected. Yet now more than ever, Congress has work to do. It must make tough decisions to steer the nation in a new, fiscally responsible direction.

Though some question the value of debt ceiling votes, they are a useful exercise, as they force Congress to confront the consequences of reckless spending, which would be lost if the limit increased automatically. 

Stop the Madness: National Debt Threatens our Prosperity

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By Doug Lamborn

I propose this simple New Year’s resolution for Congress, pass a budget before borrowing any more money.

Today marks the 1,000th day without a budget from Senate Democrats. The last time they passed a budget, you had never heard of the iPad. Tiger Woods was only known for his golfing abilities. General Motors had never declared bankruptcy. You had never heard of Swine flu.

Despite the lack of a spending plan, or perhaps because of that, Washington’s borrowing and spending continues out of control.

The president recently asked Congress for additional borrowing power of $1.2 trillion. This would bring our national debt to $16.4 trillion.  Under President Obama’s watch, the national debt is projected to increase by $5.8 trillion or nearly 60 percent in just four years, from $10.6 trillion to $16.4 trillion. Last week the House passed a resolution disapproving of President Obama’s request to once again increase the nation’s borrowing limit.

To get our spending under control, we must actually set spending priorities and put a plan forward to reduce our national debt. It is bad enough to borrow like there is no tomorrow. But to do so without even a budget in place is simply wrong.

The Laffer Curve Works, Even in France

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One year ago, I wrote about how the French government was getting unexpected additional revenues following the implementation of lower tax rates.

This is the Laffer Curve in action, and it’s happening again in France, only this time because the government reduced the wealth tax.

Here’s part of the story at Tax-news.com.

France’s solidarity tax on wealth (l’impôt de solidarité sur la fortune – ISF), which was radically reformed by the government in June last year, has served to yield much greater fiscal revenues for the state than initially predicted.
…[T]he government agreed that the solidarity tax on wealth would in future comprise of only two tax brackets: a 0.25% tax rate imposed on individuals with net taxable wealth in excess of EUR1.3m (USD1.7m), and a 0.5% tax rate levied on individuals with net taxable assets above EUR3m. Previously, the entry threshold at which wealth tax was applied was EUR800,000, with the rates varying between 0.55% and 1.8%. To alleviate any threshold effects, a discount mechanism was also instated applicable to wealth of between EUR1.3m and EUR1.4m, as well as to wealth of between EUR3m and EUR3.2m. Although the new provisions provide for lower tax rates and for the abolition of the first tax bracket, effectively exempting around 300,000 taxpayers from the tax, according to latest government figures, the tax yielded around EUR4.3bn in 2011, almost EUR60m more than originally forecast in the collective budget.

This is not to say that France is an example to follow. There shouldn’t be any wealth tax, and income tax rates are still far too high.

And it’s also worth remembering that tax policy is just one of many factors that determine economic performance.

That being said, nations that shift from terrible tax policy to bad tax policy will enjoy better economic performance, just as nations that go from good policy to great policy also will reap benefits.

In other words, incremental changes make a difference. That’s even the case when the politicians impose a “Snooki tax” on indoor tanning services

Stupid Rules

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by John Stossel 

On my FBN show, we cover entrepreneurs, like the ones who created Intel, Genentech, Apple, Cisco, Microsoft. They created vast wealth and, of course, cool things. Is it coincidence that all that creation happened in San Francisco and Seattle, the two metropolitan areas farthest from Washington DC? I doubt it. Sadly, those company now spend millions on lobbying—millions that would be better spent on inventing.

We’d be better off if we just had fewer rules.

To my surprise, this week one of America’s most economically clueless newsmagazines, Newsweek (maybe Tina brown is making it better), features some sensible arguments along those lines. A sample:

Decades of accumulated laws, often obsolete, have created a government paralysis of its own making.
… Bureaucracy crushes teachers; doctors order tens of billions in unnecessary tests to protect themselves from lawsuits; businesses forgo new opportunities because of bureaucratic hurdles…

In an ideal world, we’d scrap the byzantine legal framework we’ve inherited and rebuild simpler systems that permit flexibility to meet today’s needs…Start Over… A general sunset law—every law with budgetary implications would automatically expire every 10 years unless reenacted—would impose some automatic review.

Eugene White on banking: regulation or incentives?

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By Scott Summer

At a recent economics conference I came across a fascinating paper by Eugene White, which discussed how incentives built into banking during the National Banking Era helped reduce risk taking.  The paper changed my views more than anything else I’ve read in recent years.  Here’s a few excerpts:

The Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 exemplifies this confusion. Few observers believe that the bill will provide a lasting reform of the American financial system, and many suspect that it will sow the seeds of the next financial crisis. By focusing on the regulation of choices made by borrowers, depositors, shareholders, and bankers, the Act repeats the mistakes made by previous reform legislation. Instead, reform should focus on changing the incentives that parties face to insure that they are correctly aligned to induce the development of less fragile institutions.
.   .   .
Perhaps, the most important but least heralded change in the ten years prior to the 2008 crisis was the shift by most major investment banks from partnerships to limited liability corporations.

Click here to continue reading: http://www.themoneyillusion.com/?p=12671

Let’s Regulate Harder. That’ll Provide More Jobs For Young Law Grads!

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No, legal academics don’t usually come right out and say this, but Hazel Weiser, executive director of the Society of American Law Teachers (SALT), did say it as part of a discussion of the woes of new law graduates in a slow hiring market:

Rather than deregulate the legal profession, which is notoriously bad at self-policing, the best way to get more jobs for these unemployed recent graduates is to up regulation, not do away with it. Another op ed piece, “It’s Consumer Spending, Stupid” dated October 25, 2011, by James Livingston, a professor of history at Rutgers, puts it perfectly: “…private investment — that is, using business profits to increase productivity and output — doesn’t actually drive economic growth. Consumer debt and government spending do. Private investment isn’t even necessary to promote growth.” Government spending means regulation as well as bridges and tunnels. Let’s hire these young attorneys to enforce the laws of the land!

In a similar vein, note this blog post by University of Michigan law professor Sam Bagenstos, a leading disabled-rights expert who served in the Obama administration until last year as Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, the number two official in the Civil Rights Division. Commenting on a report that the city of Mobile, Alabama, was preparing to spend $146,000 to comply with new federal rules governing its public swimming pools, Prof. Bagenstos ran the item under the headline “New ADA Regs: Job Creators.” (Update: It was a joke, he says.)

Next time you read about some daffy new idea out of Washington, keep in mind that there’s a whole school of thought out there that, faced with a choice between a mild and a stringent regulatory option, imagines that by going with the more stringent Washington can create more jobs. It explains a lot.

Stakeholder Capitalism

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by Tim Ambler
 
One of yesterday’s headlines, “Davos elite confronts capitalism crisis”, reflects the widespread view that the financial crisis shows that capitalism has failed and “we need another economic model”.

The anti-capitalists see making money from other people’s needs as wicked.  Business should be there to help people, they say.  Of course, communism was seen as good because profiteering was illegal, but that was a main reason for its collapse: it removed the profit incentive.

The middle, Davos, ground is that making profits in moderation is acceptable provided it takes place within the “stakeholder” context.  In other words, business should not be preoccupied by making money for its shareholders but should also take care of suppliers, customers, employees and society as a whole.  A corporation should only be given a licence to trade if it meets these wider responsibilities.  Profit is still basically reprehensible but is accepted as necessary to meet these social goals.  The hysteria generated by NHS reform suggests this view is widespread…

Treasury Right to Reject Additional Funds for IMF

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By Terry Miller

IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde has been talking up the need for greatly expanded resources to bail out ailing European economies.

European nations have offered to channel about $200 billion of their own funds to themselves through the IMF (a kind of gentleman’s money-laundering to avoid restrictions in their own treaties). Lagarde wants others to add $300 billion to that kitty.

The U.S. Treasury has said no, and rightly so. Replacing current euro-debt with IMF loans, no matter how rigorously structured, will only prolong the agony. The failing euro-zone economies need to get their fiscal and economic houses in order. That means reining in government spending now, not more debt, and aggressively pursuing economic policies such as labor market reforms that can ignite growth rather than paying lip service to growth as a throwaway line at the end of a speech.

Even talking about the possibility of big IMF bailouts may be having a negative impact, because it suggests more time and more debt before real action is taken. The governments and their lenders were reportedly close…

Trade, Tires, and Jobs

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“Over a thousand Americans are working today because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires,” asserted President Obama in his State of the Union Address. President Obama referred to steep tariffs that his Administration imposed on tires imported from China.

Not everyone sees it that way. According to the Tire Industry Association (TIA):

TIA believes this was a politically motivated decision that will end up costing more jobs than it saves. These tariffs will not bring back the jobs that the union claims have been lost; it will not create any new tire manufacturing jobs, and it will most likely result in the loss of thousands of retail tire industry jobs here in the U.S., affecting everyone from the shop that services your tire to the tire wholesalers—many of whom are small businesspeople struggling to stay afloat in this economy. This, all during a time when we can ill afford to be losing more U.S. jobs.

Federal workers and retirees owe more than $3 billion in taxes

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By Kay Bell

Lost in the political sniping about which candidate pays how much in taxes was a report on which federal workers aren't paying what they owe.

The latest tax delinquency data shows that at the end of fiscal 2010, about 98,000 federal, postal and Congressional employees owed $1.03 billion in unpaid taxes.
 
Add in federal retirees and military personnel, and the Internal Revenue Service says the total comes to nearly 280,000 people owing $3.4 billion.

The numbers are from the IRS' Federal Employee/Retiree Delinquency Initiative (FERDI). Since 1993, FERDI figures have been send to Congress as part of an effort promote tax compliance among current and retired federal employees.

It's not working so well.

The 2010 analysis shows a 3 percent increase in delinquent federal worker/retiree tax debt from the previous fiscal year…

U.S. dividend taxes too high

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GOP candidate Mitt Romney’s effective income tax rate in 2010 was 14 percent because most of his income was in the form of capital gains and dividends. Let’s focus on dividends, which were $4.9 million of his 2010 income of $21.7 million.

While Romney paid a 15 percent federal personal rate on his dividend income, the total tax rate on the stream of corporate profits that ended up in Mitt’s pocket was a huge 52 percent. That figure is from the OECD, and it includes the corporate-level burden on the underlying profits and the state-level corporate and personal taxes on dividends. So the total tax burden on Romney’s dividends is high not low, despite the dividend tax cut in 2003.

Just about every industrial country provides relief for the double taxation of corporate equity, either by having a lower personal rate on dividends, a personal tax credit for dividends, or a lower corporate-level tax. Despite the 2003 dividend tax cut, the overall U.S. rate on dividends at 52 percent is still the fourth-highest among the 34 high-income nations of the OECD.

Many people don’t seem to understand is that globalization has vastly changed the reality for capital income. Every major nation has cut tax rates on capital income in recent decades. The chart shows the average top dividend tax rate in the 34 OECD countries since 2000. The U.S. cut its rate, but so did other countries. Liberals say they want to bring back Clinton’s higher tax rates, but the world has changed since then. And we’ve got more cutting to do: Our dividend rate is still 11 points higher than the average of the 34 high-income nations.

The Tax Foundation Releases 2012 State Business Tax Climate Index

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This morning The Tax Foundation published the 2012 State Business Tax Climate Index comparing all 50 U.S. states’ tax systems. The full report is available online in PDF format here with data available in Excel format here.
The top ten performers in this year’s Index are:
1) Wyoming
2) South Dakota
3) Nevada
4) Alaska
5) Florida
6) New Hampshire
7) Washington
8) Montana
9) Texas
10) Utah
Meanwhile, the bottom ten performers in this year’s Index are:
41) Iowa
42) Maryland
43) Wisconsin
44) North Carolina
45) Minnesota
46) Rhode Island
47) Vermont
48) California
49) New York
50) New Jersey

Overall, the Index notes 2011 was a relatively light year in state tax changes so there weren’t many major changes from the previous edition of this report. Some insight can be gleaned from several states that shines light on what to expect in 2012.
 

Jon Stewart Forces Secretary Sebelius to Sweat Obamacare’s Details

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On The Daily Show, comedian Jon Stewart interviewed Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Kathleen Sebelius. The Secretary didn’t escape the hot seat in what turned out to be an interesting discussion regarding the implementation of Obamacare.

One notable topic covered during the interview was the surprise proposal by HHS to let states determine their own definitions of “essential health benefits.” Obamacare explicitly instructs HHS to fill in the details of the legislation’s mandatory minimum benefit package, but as the Galen Institute’s John Hoff previously noted in a Heritage writing, “Although HHS can, of course, produce a piece of paper (or, more likely, hundreds of pages of regulation) purporting to define the term, in reality this will not provide the real-world uniformity of coverage contemplated by [Obamacare]. HHS has an impossible task.”

It seems HHS agrees that it has an impossible task and is now looking for a way to stick somebody else with the problem. Sebelius claims that letting states define benefits will give them flexibility. But in reality, all that would do is intensify the existing special-interest lobbying in state capitols for more mandated health insurance coverage—driving the cost of coverage under Obamacare even higher.

Why Quality Improvement Doesn’t Reduce Health Care Costs

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Manufacturing and service companies around the world have demonstrated the cost benefits of improving product quality and production efficiency.  So why haven’t nearly two decades of work on improving health care quality had a measurable effect on health care costs?
The explanation lies in the cost structure of the typical health care setting.  Its management and organization create a rigid cost structure that is relatively insensitive to small changes in patient volume, resource use, or the severity of patients’ health conditions.  This fixed-cost dilemma leaves most health care costs insensitive to changes in volume and utilization, so clinical quality improvements typically create additional capacity rather than bottom-line savings…
Because of these cost behaviors, quality-improvement efforts that reduce lengths of stay or readmissions or increase radiology throughput do not create substantive bottom-line savings.  They generally create capacity to treat additional patients. Similarly, efforts to expand the access of disadvantaged populations to primary care under the assumption that such access will be paid for through avoiding use of high-cost care sites — such as emergency departments — do not generate cost savings.  The cost of staffing and equipping an emergency department does not change if there are small reductions in utilization. Indeed, improved access will increase health care costs if new physicians and staff are hired to serve new patients in primary care practices.

Is Medicaid Cheaper and Better than Private Insurance?

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The claim that Medicaid is better coverage than private insurance was all the rage a couple of weeks ago thanks to a press release from Southern Methodist University highlighting doctoral candidate and adjunct professor Manan Roy’s paper “How Well Does the U.S. Government Provide Health Insurance.”

Before you rush out to enroll yourself and your family in the cheaper, better, Medicaid system, it might be worth taking some time to evaluate whether the slender evidence in the paper supports such a sweeping conclusion. The paper compares Medicaid with private insurance. The comparison is based solely on data from birth certificates recorded at the time of birth. The measures of infant health include length, weight, weeks of gestation, and 5 minute Apgar score. Though these are numeric variables, the author turns them into dummy variables, reducing their already limited variation. Insurance coverage is based on individual recall 9 months after a child’s birth. Information on coverage before birth is not included.

Apgar scores are measured from 1 to 10. Infants with scores of 7 to 10 are considered clinically normal. The overwhelming majority of infants are clinically normal at birth. In a 2001 study of 151,891 births at Parkland Hospital in Dallas, Casey et al. reported that 131,581 full-term singleton live births had a 7-10 Apgar score, 561 had a 4-6 Apgar score, and 86 had a 0-3 Apgar score. The mean 5-minute Apgar score was 6.6±2.1 in infants born at 26 to 27 weeks of gestation, and 8.7±0.8 in infants born at 34 to 36 weeks.

The data used in Roy’s study are from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Survey, Birth Cohort (ECLS-B). The ECLS-B excluded children who died, thus ignoring an important health outcome. It also had only a 74.1 percent response rate. The existing ECLS-B sample has a mean Apgar score of 8.942 with a standard deviation of 0.682. If the Apgar scores were normally distributed, this would mean that more than 95 percent of all the children in the sample had Apgar’s suggesting clinical normality at birth. In fact, 98.6 percent of the children in the sample were normal at birth. The difference between the Apgar scores of the Medicaid sample and the private sample was -0.096.

It has long been known that people enrolled in Medicaid differ from those with private health insurance in important ways that affect health, and that those differences may not be captured by available data. The goal in this paper was to calculate how large the bias caused by unobservable variables would have had to have been in order to attribute the entire observed performance difference to selection bias. Pioneered by Altonji, the approach makes several assumptions. One is that the observed elements are chosen at random from the full set of factors that determine the outcome for the dependent variable. Another is that none of the included or omitted independent variables dominate the dependent variable.

Unfortunately, the data set includes no measure of maternal health, a variable that is likely to dominate outcomes, at least to the extent that variables with so little variability can be dominated. The observed independent variables are the typical grab bag of variables that show up in educational surveys–child’s gender, mother’s age, weight, and education, father’s age and education if available, the household’s socioeconomic quintile, parents’ marital status, race, geographic region, and urban or non-urban location.

Given that there is so little Apgar variation to begin with, it is not surprising that the author calculates that even a modest amount of selection on unobservables would erase the negative Apgar results for Medicaid. Slightly higher selection on the basis of unobservables would lead one to conclude that Medicaid has better outcomes if one assumes, as the author does, that the people covered by Medicaid are likely to have poorer birth outcomes than those covered by private insurance.

The problem is that we know little or nothing about how the distribution of the risk of poor live birth outcomes varies between the Medicaid and privately insured populations. Estimates of the number of births covered by Medicaid run as high as 40 percent, almost half of all births. State data suggest that mothers covered by Medicaid are likely to be younger, in the sample the average was 2.5 years younger than those who were privately insured, but this is not surprising given Medicaid means testing. Younger women tend to have higher birth weight children than older ones, unless they are very young, aged 17 or less, though this is subject to debate. Mothers insured by Medicaid are more likely to smoke, and smoking is associated with pre-term births and depressed Apgar scores, but older women are more likely to develop diabetes and gestational diabetes which increases risk. Whether socio-economic status affects Apgar scores is subject to debate.

Despite all of the zones of ignorance, the author asserts that “children on public HI [health insurance] appear to fare no worse, and possibly even better than their counterparts on private HI…” She argues that government-provided health insurance outperforms the private sector because CHIP “provides an alternative source of cheaper coverage coupled with a broader range of benefits than private HI.” And she writes that MEPS data show that “the average payments made by Medicaid (and/or CHIP) for medical services per enrollee are smaller than for those by private HI. Since payments constitute the bulk of the costs incurred by the health insurance provider, this simply corroborates the aforementioned evidence of public HI being a cheaper source of more benefits for infants.”

This is true only if one believes that the total cost of Medicaid is reflected by the payments it makes to providers. This is unlikely because MEPS explicitly excludes payments that are not directly linked to individual patients, payments such as grants for public and community health clinics, Medicaid disproportionate share payments, the deadweight loss from taxpayer financing. It also fails to account for the total costs of state and Congressional management and overhead.

Job creation should be government's focus, not regulations

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Starting my own company as an 18-year old with just a couple thousand dollars in my pocket seemed at the time to be the toughest part of becoming a small business owner. Yet through the years, I have realized that it may have actually been the easiest part. It certainly was not as frustrating as being a small business owner in today's tough economic times, where I am regularly faced with more and more government regulations that hinder growth in my industry.
The worst of these regulations seem to be done in the name of environmentalism. 
President Obama recently defended the Environmental Protection Agency, arguing that it is vital, and that EPA regulation and economic growth shouldn't be "contradictory goals." But the truth is that bringing the two together harmoniously to please Washington has caused heartache for American companies like mine, who have to constantly keep up with these regulations that sometimes can't even be explained by local EPA officials themselves.
Through my experience I have encountered specific regulations that prevent and take away jobs and business in my industry. For example, the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency (IEPA) implements a costly regulation on the testing of soil from an IEPA-deemed "clean" construction site. The rule is that the soil must be tested as it is being carted off for any chemicals, and then tested again wherever it is deposited -- the same soil that had already been judged "clean" by the IEPA. These environmental tests must be performed three times, which can cost upwards of $800 per load to satisfy this particular regulation.
This has proven to be senseless and expensive. Of course there are certain regulations that are good and proper, but others are causing companies to waste time and monetary funds.
Job creation always needs to be the focus of the government and businesses, but now the urgency is particularly critical. The health of our country will be the result of how well we create jobs and support business -- not how much we regulate.
Rabine started Rabine Paving at 18 and is now the Founder and CEO of the Rabine Group, a roup of small companies serving facilities managers across America, and delivering maintenance and construction services of parking lots and roofs.

Job Creation Should Be Government's Focus, Not Regulations

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By Gary Rabine

Starting my own company as an 18-year old with just a couple thousand dollars in my pocket seemed at the time to be the toughest part of becoming a small business owner. Yet through the years, I have realized that it may have actually been the easiest part. It certainly was not as frustrating as being a small business owner in today's tough economic times, where I am regularly faced with more and more government regulations that hinder growth in my industry.

The worst of these regulations seem to be done in the name of environmentalism.
 
President Obama recently defended the Environmental Protection Agency, arguing that it is vital, and that EPA regulation and economic growth shouldn't be "contradictory goals." But the truth is that bringing the two together harmoniously to please Washington has caused heartache for American companies like mine, who have to constantly keep up with these regulations that sometimes can't even be explained by local EPA officials themselves.

Through my experience I have encountered specific regulations that prevent and take away jobs and business in my industry. For example, the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency (IEPA) implements a costly regulation on the testing of soil from an IEPA-deemed "clean" construction site. The rule is that the soil must be tested as it is being carted off for any chemicals, and then tested again wherever it is deposited -- the same soil that had already been judged "clean" by the IEPA. These environmental tests must be performed three times, which can cost upwards of $800 per load to satisfy this particular regulation.

This has proven to be senseless and expensive. Of course there are certain regulations that are good and proper, but others are causing companies to waste time and monetary funds.

Job creation always needs to be the focus of the government and businesses, but now the urgency is particularly critical. The health of our country will be the result of how well we create jobs and support business -- not how much we regulate.

Rabine started Rabine Paving at 18 and is now the Founder and CEO of the Rabine Group, a roup of small companies serving facilities managers across America, and delivering maintenance and construction services of parking lots and roofs.

Jobs: Markets or Government?

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Job creation and economic recovery are atop the agenda of both political parties. The White House, however, has chosen a government-heavy job creation plan, beginning and ending with so-called “green energy” jobs. Critics stress the less visible but all-important private-sector, deficit-neutral, consumer-driven creation of jobs.

The science of economics supports the market-driven approach to job development as more efficient than the government-sponsored alternative. The reason was well expressed in a classic of twentieth-century economics, Economics in One Lesson, first published in 1946 and periodically revised during the lifetime of its author, Henry Hazlitt (1896–1993). 

Hazlitt’s understanding of economic scarcity (limited means for unlimited ends) revolves around opportunity cost. Resources spent on one project cannot be spent on another project. Therefore, if the government uses its tax-and-spend power to create jobs or whole businesses, the private sector is deprived of those resources and of the jobs that would have been created. Government, after all, does not create resources but merely redistributes them.

Now consider a government “green” job in the politically correct sector of renewable energy. Renewables account for about 8 percent of all U.S. energy usage, but the “green” favorites of wind and solar power account for just slightly more than 1 percent. (Hydropower and ethanol, once thought of as “green,” account for most of the difference.) 

In the recent State of the Union, the President touted “green jobs” as the best path for job creation. But government monies for wind and solar energy mean that ratepayers and taxpayers have fewer resources to spend elsewhere. And U.S. “green” policy, ironically, creates jobs not here at home but in China and other foreign hubs for wind turbines and solar panel manufacture.

In a free market, consumers and taxpayers would be paying less for energy overall (wind and solar is more expensive and less reliable, hence the government dependence) —and creating a completely different set of jobs in the process.

Henry Hazlitt, a journalist who became a first-rate economist in his long life, came to define his discipline in a simple yet profound way. “The art of economics consists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups.” Such a view explodes many fallacies regarding government job creation, as well as other free-lunch schemes that attempt to suspend the reality of scarce means versus unlimited ends.

Watching the most recent State of the Union speech, I thought of this passage from Economics in One Lesson:
Demagogues and bad economists are presenting half-truths. They are speaking only of the immediate effect of a proposed policy or its effect upon a single group.... [The full view is] showing that the proposed policy would also have longer and less desirable effects, or that it could benefit one group only at the expense of all other groups."

Timeless wisdom applies to today’s jobs debate. Future posts by this writer will focus on energy jobs, which are both a major source of recent private-sector U.S. employment growth and a controversial area of government-job creation.

Educating our Youth

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Education reform advocates frequently argue that improving our schools is vital to keeping America competitive with the rest of the world in math, science, and technology. I’d add another field to that list: entrepreneurship.

The link between education and entrepreneurship might be unclear to some, especially given famous tales of dropouts-turned-billionaires in our culture. Yet the truth is that for every future Steve Jobs out there, there are thousands of other young Americans who might one day contribute greatly to our society and economy if they were only provided with some basic education about business.

There are many ways we can educate our youth about business. For young children, it could be with a lemonade stand or bake sale, where they learn essential principles around product development, expenses, sales, and of course, profit. That’s why I started a nationwide movement called Lemonade Day, which began with me trying to teach my 10 year-old daughter some basic entrepreneurial lessons instead of just giving her money for a new pet turtle.  Lemonade Day has now developed into a program for 200,000 youth in 31 cities across America and Canada. It is programs like Lemonade Day that teach our children from an early age how to set a goal, make a plan, work hard implementing that plan and achieve their dreams. As our children get older, we can teach them even more beneficial lessons, such as what a start-up is, how markets work, and how they can participate. With a few exceptions, these topics are sorely lacking from most school curriculums in this country. Indeed, there are many highly-educated American students who graduate from prestigious high schools and colleges with acclaim, yet have not received even a cursory education about business and entrepreneurship.  It is free enterprise that has built our great nation; don’t we have an obligation to pass it on to our children?

Finally, we need to get more serious about making sure that everyone who graduates from high school knows what it is like to work in a workplace and earn a paycheck. We should give students a chance to work jobs and enjoy the fruits of their labor, and let them learn first-hand how to earn, save and share.  Likewise, we should increase and enhance internship programs, to give high school and college students real experience at a job site, that will prepare them to one day enter the workforce.

By investing in business education, we can help prepare the youth of America to become the future business leaders.

Unemployment & Regulation

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The New Year welcomed an improved unemployment rate that President Obama hailed in his first weekly address of 2012.  The economy added 200,000 new jobs in December and boasted an 8.5% unemployment rate, the lowest it’s been in three years.

While any dip in unemployment is welcome, we have a long wayto go before we should be celebrating. While the President touted more than 3 million private-sector jobs over the past 22 months, what he didn’t advertise is that there are still more than 13 million Americans without a job today -- a number not expected to get better anytime soon. With this in mind, I find it hard to agree that we’re “heading in the right direction.”

In reality, December’s dip in unemployment is not purely amatter of Americans finding jobs, but partially due to some giving up on their search for work. Until we see an improved Labor Force Participation rate -- which combines employed persons with those who are unemployed but still looking – job growth will continue down the wrong path. I’m not an economist but I know itcan’t be good when that number has been falling for over a decade. Clearly people have lost faith in the economy and their ability to get a job.

It’s about time the Administration recognizes thecorrelation between business and workers. The very reason people drop out of the workforce is the very reason so many businesses have stopped hiring: uncertainty. Just as business owners are overwhelmed with the uncertainty of pending regulations, Americans are discouraged by the result -- a lack of hiring with no foreseeable certainty -- and thus exit the workforce.

Over the last year, the government has slapped numerous regulationson businesses, inhibiting their ability to grow and spur job creation. According to the National Federation of Independent Business, there are nearly 4,300 new regulations pending into 2012. That’s definitely not the certainty weshould be ringing in the New Year with. As the Administration continues to ride on its coat tails of hope and misguided triumph, job creation in America will keep wavering.

Killing the Gazelles

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While most Americans are familiar with the financial terms “bull” and “bear,” a lesser-known animal metaphor economists like to use is “gazelle.” A gazelle is a small business that, like the animal, is known for being lean and swift.  Most small businesses stay small, but not the gazelles; they run fast. Unfortunately, America’s gazelles are now under attack, and the hunter is the U.S. government.

 

Bigger than Main Street mice but smaller than Wall Street elephants, gazelles are generally defined as young start-up companies that are growing at least 20% per year, meaning they are more than doubling their revenues over a four-year period. During good economic times, gazelles account for a staggering amount of job growth in America. The Economist recently cited a statistic that almost defies reason; from 1980-2005, firms less than five years old created 40 million net new jobs, representing virtually 100% of private sector job growth during that period. In other words, big businesses stayed roughly the same size, while the gazelles hired and hired.

 

Unfortunately, the story has been very different lately.The gazelles are simply not hiring, and following the “DUH” school of economics, look no further than America’s recent changes in federal regulatory policy to see why.  Horribly over reaching legislation such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 and the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 have had the unintended but incredibly ignorant consequence of cutting small businesses, and consequently the gazelles, off from markets and making it increasingly difficult for them to access capital. Capital is the gas of business, and a Ferrari without gas is nothing more than an expensive coffee table.

 

There are generally three ways a small business can obtain the capital it needs to grow. First, it can launch itself on the stockmarket, through an IPO (initial public offering). Second, it can pursue conventional commercial bank lending. And third, it can seek private equity.

 

So if you want to kill the gazelles, then the perfect plan would be to make all three of these options overly difficult. Amazingly,that is precisely what has happened over the past decade, and it’s not the work of an archenemy, but of our own federal government.  Jumbo Liners crash, so Washington rushes to regulate the small planes. Sarbanes-Oxley, which was passed after the Enron and WorldCom scandals, has made it incredibly tough for small businesses to go public. Dodd-Frank,intended to regulate large banks “too big to fail”, acting in tandem with arisk averse OCC, have made Main Street banks wary of lending to the gazelles. Finally, the tax code is pretty harsh on deducting private investment losses, and recent years have seen private investment in the gazelles retreat.

 

We need a Feed the Gazelles bill to restart our magnificent job machine. 

Small Manufacturers on the Rise

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Manufacturing is on its way back in America. Growth in this sector is great news for America, and especially great news for small business people.

For a long time, it’s been a common complaint to hear that Americans don’t make anything. All our manufacturing jobs were gone, and everything we buy is made in China. Production just wasn’t an option in the U.S.—and the companies that did typically had to go into battle with productsat significantly higher prices.

This was all thanks to the low cost of labor in other countries,compared to the extremely high cost here in America. But that’s changing.

The cost of labor in major outsourcing locations is rising sharply, most notably in China. At the end of September, the average minimum wage in most of the country’s provinces increased by more than 20 percent. And with the start of this month,most provinces raised minimum wage another 13 percent, and other provinces raised it even higher, as high as another 23 percent. Overall, experts expect Chinese wages to rise by 80 percent in just the next 5 years, sending the price of goods manufactured in China sky rocketing.

What does this mean for American manufacturing? It means that the cost of producing goods here in the United States will no longer be prohibitive.It means that the benefits of putting manufacturing jobs in American would nolonger be out weighed by the exorbitant costs.

As the labor calculus changes, the savings companies manufacturing in the U.S. get on transportation, travel, and other things become a bigger incentive. These factors, along with the efficiency and skill level of the American worker, are all working together to make manufacturing inthe United States viable again.

We’re already seeing results. The manufacturing sector has added jobs ineach of the last two years.The last time there was an increase in manufacturing employment for even a single year before that? 1997.

And manufacturers are not repeating the mistakes they madedecades ago, when short-sightedness created spiraling costs and unsustainable business models. According to the American Small Manufacturers Coalition, more than 86 percent of manufacturers cite “process improvement” as important or even highly important to their future, while 84 percent cite “customer-focused innovation.” These entrepreneurs are focusing on improving their business and getting better every day, not getting comfortableand letting things slip away.

This is a trend that has me excited, and I hope to see it continue. I believe we will especially see a growth in Right to Work states, where workers have the right to climb—or fall—based on merit. The closed shop model is what got us into trouble the last time, with its ever increasing costs and ever decreasing productivity. Our workers are the most exceptional in the world, and the development of incentivized profit-sharing plants, encouraging workers to work harder and smarter, will be at the heart of sustainable growth in manufacturing.

Our Government is Creating the Wrong Kind of Jobs

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Jobs are on everyone’s mind these days, and it would ordinarily be fantastic news to learn of a big new batch of them. There is one exception though, and it occurs when newly-created jobs are government jobs that threaten to kill private-sector ones.

A prime example lies with the Obama administration’s new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), headed by Richard Cordray. Created in the name of consumer security, the CFPB bestows on the Executive Branch unilateral power to regulate essentially all financial transactions in America.
 
The CFPB is now in the process of filling about $300 million worth of jobs, including such positions as an “Invitations Coordinator,” who will be paid up to $102,900 per year. Unfortunately, these are not the kind of jobs America needs right now.
 
What our government should be doing is encouraging and cultivating productivity—not hampering it. Business leaders across the country have been complaining for years about the regulatory hurdles our government already has in place, and how they have made hiring and growing difficult. Now, in committing itself to a massive new agency that can regulate private transactions big and small, our government stands to make the economy even more sluggish.
 
Regulation has an important place in our country, but at this current time of anemic job growth we need to get our priorities straight. Legislation like Sarbanes-Oxley and Dodd-Frank may have spurred an increase in government jobs, but those jobs have not made our economy any more productive. Likewise, new bureaucrats at places like EPA are also not in the business of fostering job growth, but more likely to be putting up new governmental roadblocks businesses have to navigate.

I wish our government would make a resolution this year to commit itself to creating the right kind of jobs instead of the wrong ones. Until that happens, business leaders will keep struggling, and our economy will keep sputtering.

Protection is no way to create jobs

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Sluggish employment growth and high unemployment rates have once again led to calls for protection that would do more harm than good. Rising imports do create jobs abroad rather than here, but rising exports create jobs here rather than abroad. Imports and exports tend to move together with little net impact on domestic jobs over time. The problem is one of perception: jobs lost to imports or outsourcing are more visible to the lay public than the jobs created by exports and in-sourcing, even though they do tend to balance out. 

Free trade raises our standard of living, not by adding jobs, but by increasing what Adam Smith called the division and specialization of labor, making jobs more productive. Trade moves labor and other resources from areas of our comparative disadvantage to areas of our comparative advantage and thus increases production available for consumption by all. 

The impact of trade on our standard of living is similar to the impact of advances in technology. Both increase productivity, which is higher output per unit of labor input. Technology, like trade, frees up labor in some areas for production in other areas. To limit trade to save jobs would be similar to limiting technological progress to save jobs. Any net jobs saved would be temporary, but the foregone increases in living standards would be permanent. 

Job losses through trade and technology look worse up close and personal than they do with the perspective of time. For example, from today’s perspective would we be better off had we “protected” the jobs of telephone and elevator operators? Decades ago 90 percent of our population was required on the farm to grow our food. Now, about 2 percent is all that is required. This represents an enormous increase in productivity, output per hour worked on the farm. The same has been going on in manufacturing for decades: more manufacturing output per hour worked. More output, fewer workers. Of course, for this to work without undue hardship on those not needed in the old industries, we need dynamic growth so that the new industries can absorb the excess labor. What we don’t need is a decline in progress brought about by a desire to keep all the old jobs. 

One of my heroes is Frederic Bastiat (1801-1850), a French advocate of free trade and free enterprise. He communicated with wit, wisdom and satire and made many of his points by carrying arguments to their logical extreme. The best known example of that was his fictitious petition to the French Parliament on behalf of the French candle makers seeking a law requiring everyone to shut their blinds and shutters to shut out the sunlight. The sun, you see, was unfair competition to the candle makers in the provision of light. Bastiat pointed out all the jobs that would be created in the candle and related industries,including multiplier effects, if this unfair competition were eliminated. 

Henry George also captured the essence of protectionism by pointing out that protectionists want to do to their own country during peace time what the country’s enemies would want to do to it during war time—close its borders to imports. 

My own favorite rhetorical device—not original to me—is to point out that we can create lots of jobs by replacing heavy equipment on construction sites with shovels. If that isn’t sufficient, you could always replace the shovels with spoons.  

No, we don’t want to create jobs by deliberately creating inefficiencies. That’s exactly what we would be doing if we tried to create jobs by restricting trade.
 

True Job Creators Need a Voice(2)

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I worked hard to make my own smallcompany into a big one but I never could have succeeded if I had faced theavalanche of impediments that our current government hurls down upon thisgeneration of entrepreneurs. The White House’s job creation strategy seemsdesigned to merely raise taxes while it appoints another blue-ribbon council totalk about the lack of jobs.  Does anyone really believe this will createthe employment growth this country needs?  I certainly don’t.  What Ido believe is that we must bring together the hard-working men and women whoare on the front lines of job creation – small and medium-sized businessfounders and owners -- to light the way to renewed economic growth. 

By giving real job creators -- whether shopkeepers or software engineers -- avoice, they can speak from real-world experience about how to create jobs andwhy job creation can’t be accomplished from Washington. I believe thesebusiness men and women could point out the policies that are obstacles andarticulate policies that invite growth and investment, and most importantly—jobcreation.  Who better to defend free enterprise than entrepreneurs whohave actually created America’s private-sector jobs?  

These companies – high-tech and low, restaurants and retail stores,manufacturers and bakeries – are the businesses that drive job creation. Halfof all American workers are employed at a small business and they havegenerated two out of three new jobs over the last 15 years. We can’t have aserious conversation about reducing unemployment without listening to thecompanies that aren’t on the Fortune 500 list.  

Overregulation, unfair taxes, and new mandates, like the controversialhealthcare bill, are choking these job-creating businesses before they can getoff the ground.  The President’s State of the Union Address included callsto increase trade and cut corporate taxes, all things that help big businessesalright, but do little to help the small enterprises and start-ups that are theengines of economic growth. They need relief from the alphabet soup ofregulations that stifles them and therefore chokes hiring.

From the EPA to the FDA, from the IRS to Sarbanes Oxley, regulationsdisproportionally affect the smallest firms, drowning America's entrepreneursin red tape.  According to a study published last year by the SmallBusiness Administration, firms with fewer than 20 employees spend 36 percentmore per employee than large firms.  Regulations, on average, cost smallfirms $10,585 per employee each year: $4,120 to comply with economicregulations, $4,101 to comply with environmental regulations, $1,585 to complywith complex tax rules, and $781 to comply with OSHA and homeland securityregulations.  In fact, more than 144,000 pages of regulations stranglesmall and large businesses alike. Congress must provide these innovators abreak.  

I know dozens of men and women who started with nothing, waiting in the hallwayhoping the mailman would bring enough receipts to make payroll, working throughthe night, foregoing their own salaries so they could pay their bills, and yetfretting over filing a raft of forms for local, state and government regulatorsand worrying about bewildering new rules.  These are the true job creatorsand many feel downright abused by a government that ignores them, penalizesthem and goes out of its way to impede their businesses.

These job creators want to grow their businesses, they want to hire newemployees and they understand that they need to pay fair taxes.  But theydon’t have a forum, they don’t have a voice, and they are frustrated whenacademics and life-long government employees – bureaucrats who know nothingabout creating jobs -- determine policies that could either spur or stifle jobgrowth. The heroes of the American economic dream are the people who take therisks, make the sacrifices, and still maintain the beliefs that propel them tosuccess.   

These job creators must tell us what policies they need to grow their businessand put America back to work. I am now calling on all business founders, ownersand leaders to join me in the ranks of the American Institute for Growth, a neworganization I am proud to help create. Join me in this quest to allow freeenterprise to not only heal our wounded economy, but to return us to theeconomic growth that we need to create jobs across America.

Where Are The Workers?

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 By Matt McDonald,(202) 822-1205, mmcdonald@hamiltonps.com

We have seen theglimpse of a jobs recovery over the past several weeks.  Unemploymentclaims have continued to fall below the key 400,000 level, with the most recent4-week rolling average at 373,000.  Likewise, the ADP payroll estimatecame in at a robust 325,000 new jobs for December.

While some of theseforward-looking numbers hold promise, the actual jobs numbers so far have beenmiddling.  Hopefully the numbers tomorrow will turn that around.  Butthe real missing piece for a true recovery in the job market has beenworkers.  Even as the unemployment rate dropped from 9 percent to 8.6percent last month, a little over half of that decline was due to workersdropping out of the labor force.

Labor forceparticipation averaged 66 percent through most of the 2000s.  It nowstands at 64 percent after declining again last month.  If more peoplewere still looking for jobs, and the participation rate were back up at 66percent, the unemployment rate would now be 11.4 percent instead of 8.6percent.

What all this meansis that workers have been voting with their feet and choosing to notparticipate in a job market they see as weak.  Because participation is ameasure of worker/voter attitude, it will be an interesting metric to watchthis election year.  It points as much to how voters are thinking aboutthe job market as how the job market is actually performing.

Over the holidays,the President said that he thought the unemployment rate could break 8 percentby Election Day.  To reach that point, he needs to see 254,000 jobs permonth between now and then.  This is a high number, beyond what we haveseen in recent months.  Beyond that, the unemployment rate is likely tobecome sticky in the mid-8 percent range as the participation rate begins tocreep back up.

It’s hard to knowexactly how many workers are waiting in the wings, but we can look at someestimates.  CBO last spring projected that between 2010 and 2012 the laborforce would add 2.9 million workers.  Halfway through that period, we’veactually added just shy of 200,000 workers.  If those workers domaterialize, we’re going to need a much higher job number each month just tokeep pace, closer to 170,000 jobs per month than the more typical 130,000 jobsper month.

All of this is areminder that even with potential good news on the jobs front, America’s jobcreation engine is so broken it’s going to take some time to fix.

MattMcDonald is a partner at Hamilton Place Strategies and a veteran of twoPresidential campaigns and the White House.  Prior to joining HPS, Mattworked for McKinsey and Company.  He holds an MBA from MIT’s Sloan Schoolof Management and a degree in economics from Dartmouth College.

Regulation

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If you ask the American people if they’re worried there is too much regulation, taxes, and spending - they’re likely to say yes. If you ask an American small business owner what his or her biggest problem is, the most likely answer will be complying with government regulations. It’s estimated that the cost of regulations on the American economy is $1.75trillion – double what the government took in in individual income taxes last year. And since the beginning of the Obama Administration, there has been over $40 billion in new annual regulatory burdens, not to mention the regulations now in the works (almost 3,000). 

What does that all mean? It means that the American economy is drowning in regulation, with no end in sight. The truth is that the easiest way to help jump start the economy today would be to roll back the regulatory burden that is crushing small businesses. 

None of this is to say that no regulation is necessary –some is, for sure. What we need however is smart regulation that ensures that rules are not abused without extinguishing small businesses. It’s extremely hard to build businesses as is (it took over a decade to build Best Buy into a profitable business), and added layers of regulation and complexity make it exponentially harder to succeed – particularly for small businesses that want to become big ones (and create jobs in the process). 

If policymakers are serious about unleashing the entrepreneurial energy that has been the foundation of the American Dream and has made America the most prosperous nation in the history of the world, one great place to start would be to get the regulatory beast off business’ back.

We Don’t Need Stimulus, We Need Less Regulations

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Most people go into business because they want to make the world better by building something – and, of course, to make money for themselves and the people working with them. Yet business leaders today are routinely treated as guilty until proven innocent by the bureaucrats in our regulatory agencies.

Our regulatory state strangles economic growth. Regulations bar many voluntary agreements, and subject businessmen to constant micromanagement.

At the federal level alone, business is subject to tens of thousands of regulations. The federal regulation code, which lists them, exceeds 3,000,000 pages and takes up more than 30 feet of shelf space. Over the last 15 years, business has been hit with almost 60,000 new federal rules, to say nothing of state-level regulation. This explosion of new regulations dramatically reduces job creation.  The more costly it is for businesses to meet regulatory demands, the fewer workers they can hire.

Regulatory bureaucracies also stifle innovation, which is the key to economic growth. Half the challenge for innovators now is getting past the regulator. As a result, many avenues of exploration just aren’t pursued. 

Perhaps the regulatory state’s toughest burden, however, is how it dispirits our best entrepreneurs. Productive individuals face a daily grind of trying to comply with an endless number of rules -- often arcane, arbitrary and contradictory. By treating entrepreneurs as latent criminals, the regulatory state crushes the creative spirit -- and wastes the energy and talents of the job producers and the prosperity producers.

Building a business is hard work. As a retired businessman, I can attest to the long hours, the sleepless nights, overloaded schedules, ongoing setbacks and other daunting challenges that go into creating a successful business. To persevere, businessmen and women need the freedom to run their businesses by their own best judgment. They cannot function if they have to spend a quarter, a half or even more of their time taking orders from bureaucrats. 

There is a lot of talk today about how to "stimulate" the economy. A free economy does not require "stimulation." It is fueled by the passion and creativity of profit-seeking business leaders. 

The problem today is not lack of stimulus, but the suffocating weight of government intervention. If we want to revive the economy, it's time to liberate the victims of our regulatory state.




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